00100			 THE PARANOID MODE
00200	 The Concept of Paranoia
00300		Like  ourselves,  the  ancient  Greeks  called  one   another
00400	paranoid.  The  term  `paranoia'  (Gr:  para=beside;  nous  =  mind)
00500	referred to states of craziness and mental deterioration. For roughly
00600	the next two thousand years the term disappeared from classifications
00700	of mental disorders.  Historians have not seemed curious  about  what
00800	persons  with persecutory delusions were called all that time. (It is
00900	doubtful that there weren't  any.)  In  the  18th  century  the  term
01000	reappears  in  German  classifications  to refer to delusional states
01100	categorized as disorders of intellect rather  than  emotion.  (Lewis,
01200	1970).
01300		Little agreement about the term's usage   was  reached  until
01400	this  half of the present century when it achieved a solid adjectival
01500	status, as in "paranoid  personality"  and  "paranoid  state".     At
01600	present   the   category  "paranoid"  has  high  reliability  (85-95%
01700	interjudge agreement). The term is generally used  to  refer  to  the
01800	presence  of  persecutory  delusions.   Somatic, erotic, grandeur and
01900	jealousy  delusions   are   simply   identified   as   such   without
02000	characterizing them as paranoid.
02100		To  introduce  what  being  paranoid  is  like,  let us first
02200	consider two sorts of human activity, one termed "ordinary"  and  the
02300	other termed "paranoid".
02400		In the ordinary mode of human action a person goes about  his
02500	business  of everyday living in a matter-of-fact way.   He deals with
02600	recurrent and routine situations in his environment  as  they  arise,
02700	taking things at their face value.  Events proceed in accordance with
02800	his beliefs and expectations and thus can be managed routinely.  Only
02900	a  small  amount  of  attention  need  be  devoted  to monitoring the
03000	environment , simply checking that everthing is as expected.     This
03100	placid ongoing flow of events can be interrupted by the the detection
03200	of signs of alarm or opportunity at any  time.  But  the  predominant
03300	condition  is one of a steady progression of events so ordinary as to
03400	be uneventful.
03500		In contrast to this routine ordinariness are  arousal  states
03600	of  emergency  .    The particular aroused emergency to be considered
03700	herein is termed the "paranoid mode"  characterized  by  a  continous
03800	wary  suspiciousness.  To  appreciate the nature and problems of this
03900	state, imagine the situation of a spy in a hostile country.  To  him,
04000	everyone  he  meets  is  a potential enemy, a threat to existence who
04100	must  be  evaluated  for  malevolence.   To  survive   he   must   be
04200	hypervigilant and fully mobilized to attack, to flee, to stalk.    In
04300	this situation appearances are not to  be  taken  at  face  value  as
04400	ordinary  events  or  routine background but each must be attended to
04500	and interpreted in order  to  detect  malevolence.    Events  in  the
04600	environment, which in the ordinary mode would not be connected to the
04700	self, become referred to  the  self  as  potentially  menacing.   The
04800	unintended  effects  of  others may be misinterpreted as intended and
04900	the undesigned tends to become confused with the  designed.   Nothing
05000	can be allowed to be unattendable.  The dominant intention of the
05100	agent is to detect malevolence from others.
05200	
05300	 Characteristics of Clinical Paranoias
05400		When  dividing  the  world  of  experience  into   conceptual
05500	classes,  we  sort and group together objects and events according to
05600	properties they have in common. The members of a class  resemble  one
05700	another in sharing certain properties.    The resemblance between
05800	members of a  class  is  neither  exact  nor  total.   Members  of  a
05900	conceptual  class  are  considered more or less alike and there exist
06000	degrees of resemblance.  Humans are neither subjective nor objective;
06100	they  are  projective.     In forming classifications, we project our
06200	intentions onto the world.  Thus the world of experience consists  of
06300	our  interactive relations, not simply of objects isolated from human
06400	interests.
06500		Observations and classifications made by clinicians regarding
06600	naturally-occurring paranoid disorders have been thoroughly described
06700	in the psychiatric literature.   Extensive accounts can be  found  in
06800	Swanson,  Bohnert  and Smith (1970) and in Cameron (1967).    I shall
06900	attempt to give a condensed description of paranoid phenomena as they
07000	appear  in, or are described by, patients in a psychiatric interview.
07100	It is many of these phenomena which  the  proposed  simulation  model
07200	attempts to explain.
07300	
07400		The main phenomena of paranoid disorders  can  be  summarized
07500	under  concepts  of suspiciousness, self-reference, hypersensitivity,
07600	fearfulness , hostility and rigidity.  These class-concepts represent
07700	common empirical indicators of the paranoid mode.
07800	
07900	 Suspiciousness
08000		The chief  characteristic  of  clinical  paranoid   disorders
08100	consists  of  suspiciousness,  a  mistrust  of  others  based  on the
08200	patient's malevolence  beliefs.       The  patient  believes  others,
08300	known and unknown, have evil intentions towards him. In his relations
08400	with  others  he  is  continously  on  the  look-out  for  signs   of
08500	malevolence  which  he  often  reads  from  the  results  of  his own
08600	probings.  He is hypervigilant; people must be watched, their schemes
08700	unmasked  and  foiled.   He  is  convinced  others try to bring about
08800	undesirable states in himself such as humiliation, harassment, mental
08900	subjugation,  physical  injury  and even death.    In an interview he
09000	may report such beliefs directly or ,if he is well-guarded, he offers
09100	only  hints.   He does not confide easily. Disclosure may depend upon
09200	how the interviewer responds in the dialogue to the patient's reports
09300	of fluctuating suspicions and/or absolute convictions.
09400		He is greatly concerned with "evidence". No room  is  allowed
09500	for  mistakes,  ambiguities  or chance happenings.  "Paranoids have a
09600	greater passion for the truth than other madmen."  -(Saul  Bellow  in
09700	Sammler's  Planet). Using  trivial evidential details, his inferences
09800	leap from the undeniable to the unbelievable.
09900		The patient may vary in his own estimate of the  strength  of
10000	his  malevolence  beliefs. If they consist of weakly-held suspicions,
10100	he may have moments of reasoning with himself in which  he  tries  to
10200	reject  them as ill-founded.  But when the beliefs represent absolute
10300	convictions, he does not struggle  to  dismiss  them.    They  become
10400	pre-conditions for countering actions against tormentors who wish and
10500	try to do him evil.  He seeks affirmation of  his  beliefs.  ("It  is
10600	certain  that  my  conviction  increases the moment another soul will
10700	believe in it." Joseph Conrad in Lord Jim.). He  wants  sympathy  and
10800	allies  in  positions  of power such as clinicians or lawyers who can
10900	help him take action against his oppressors.
11000		The  malevolence  beliefs may involve a specific other person
11100	or a conspiracy of others such as the  Mafia,  the  FBI,  Communists,
11200	Hell's Angels.  The patient sees himself as a victim ,one who suffers
11300	at the hands of others  rather  than  as  an  agent  who  brings  the
11400	suffering  on himself.  Other agents subject him to, and make him the
11500	object of, their evil intentions. He dwells on  and  rehearses  these
11600	outrages  in  his  imagination.  He  schemes  to defeat or escape his
11700	adversaries.
11800		The  misdeeds  of others are denounced, disparaged, condemned
11900	and belittled. He feels interfered with  and  discriminated  against.
12000	The  specific content of the beliefs may not be directly expressed in
12100	a first interview.     The patient may be so mistrustful of how their
12200	disclosure might be used against him that he cautiously feels his way
12300	through an interview offering only hints which an interviewer can use
12400	to infer the presence of persecutory delusions.
12500	
12600		Using  his  own  credibility  judgements,   the   interviewer
12700	attempts  to  determine whether the patient's malevolence beliefs are
12800	delusions (false beliefs) or not. Experienced clinicians realize that
12900	some  malevolence  beliefs  can  turn  out  to  be  true.  Others may
13000	represent correct  estimations  on  the  part  of  the  patient  who,
13100	however,  fails  to see that the malevolence of others is a secondary
13200	consequence of his tendency to accuse and provoke others to the point
13300	where they in fact become hostile towards him.
13400	
13500	
13600	 Self-Reference and Hypersensitivity
13700	
13800	
13900		The patient may believe many  events  in  the  world  pertain
14000	directly  to  himself.  Other  observers  of  his  situation find his
14100	conviction hard to accept. For example,  he  may  be  convinced  that
14200	newspaper headlines refer to him personally or that the statements of
14300	radio announcers contain special messages for him. Hypervigilant,  he
14400	hypersensitively reads himself into situations which are not actually
14500	intended to pertain to him and his particular concerns.
14600	
14700		References to the self  are  misconstrued  as  slurs,  snubs,
14800	slights  or  unfair  judgements.  He may feel he is being watched and
14900	stared at.  He is excessively concerned about eyes  (which  can  both
15000	watch  and  punish). Cameras, telescopes ,etc.  which may be directed
15100	his way unnerve him.   He may feel  mysteriously  influenced  through
15200	electricity,  radio  waves, or (more contemporaneously) by emanations
15300	from computers.  He is hypersensitive to criticism.     In crowds  he
15400	believes  he is intentionally bumped. Driving on the highway he feels
15500	repeatedly followed too-closely by  the  car  behind.   Badgered  and
15600	bombarded  without  relief  by  this  stream  of  wrongs , he becomes
15700	hyper-irritable, querulous and quarrelsome.
15800		He is touchy about certain topics, flaring up when references
15900	to  particular conceptual domains appear in the conversation.     For
16000	example, any remarks about his age, religion, family, or sexlife  may
16100	set  him  off.    Even  when  these  domains are touched upon without
16200	reference  to  him,  e.g.   religion  in  general,  he  may  take  it
16300	personally.   When  a delusional complex is present, linguistic terms
16400	far removed from, but still conceptually connectable to, the  complex
16500	stir  him up. Thus, to a man holding beliefs that the Mafia intend to
16600	harm him, any remark about  Italy  might  lead  him  to  react  in  a
16700	suspicious or fearful manner.
16800	
16900	 Affect-States   
17000	
17100		The  major  affects expressed, both verbally and nonverbally,
17200	are those of fear, anger and mistrust. The patient fears that  others
17300	wish  to  subjugate  and  control  him. He may be fearful of physical
17400	attack and injury even to the point of death. His fear  is  justified
17500	in  his  mind by the many threats he detects in the conduct of others
17600	towards him.   He is hostile to what are interpreted as  insinuations
17700	or  demeaning  allusions. His chronic irritability becomes punctuated
17800	with outbursts of raging tirades and diatribes.  When he feels he  is
17900	being  overwhelmed, he may erupt and in desperation physically attack
18000	others.
18100		The affects of fear, anger and mistrust he experiences  blend
18200	with  one  another  in  varying  proportions  to  yield an unpleasant
18300	negative affect state made continuous  by  fantasied  rehearsals  and
18400	retellings  of  past  wrongs.      Depending on his interpretation of
18500	input from other people, the patient may move away  from  others  and
18600	become  guarded,  secretive  and  evasive. Or he may suddenly jump at
18700	others with  sarcastic  accusations  and  arguments.    His  negative
18800	affect-states  become locked into self-perpetuating cycles with other
18900	people in his life space who may take censoring  action  towards  him
19000	because of his uncommunicativeness or outbursts.
19100	
19200	
19300	 Rigidity
19400	
19500		Another  salient  characteristic  of  the  paranoid  mode  is
19600	excessive  rigidity.   The  patient's  beliefs in his sensitive areas
19700	remain fixed, difficult  to  influence  by  evidence  or  persuasion.
19800	The  patient  himself  makes  few  verification  attempts which might
19900	falsify his convictions.     To change a belief  is  to  admit  being
20000	wrong.     To  forgive  others  also  opens  a  crack  in the wall of
20100	righteousness.    He does  not  apologize  nor  accept  apology.   He
20200	stubbornly   follows   rules   to   the   letter   and   his  literal
20300	interpretations of an organization's  regulations  can  drive  others
20400	wild.    It is this insistent posture of rigidity  and  inflexibility
20500	which  makes the treatment of paranoid processes by symbolic-semantic
20600	methods so difficult. The patient clings to his convictions in  spite
20700	of all the "rational" counter-evidence offered.
20800	
20900	Other Descriptions of Naturally Occurring Paranoias
21000		Historians,   biographers,   playwrights,    novelists    and
21100	journalists   have   contributed  naturalistic  descriptions  of  the
21200	paranoid mode. Hofstader, a political historian, observed in an essay
21300	on the paranoid style in American politics.( Hofstader, 1965):
21400		"It is, above all, a way of seeing the world and of
21500		expressing oneself...the feeling of persecution is
21600		central and is indeed systematized in grandiose theories
21700		of conspiracy...
21800	
21900		While any system of beliefs can be expressed in the
22000		paranoid style, there are certain beliefs which seem
22100		to be espoused almost entirely this way."
22200	These beliefs commonly  refer   to vast  invisible     conspiratorial
22300	networks.
22400		"But there is a vital difference between the paranoid
22500		spokesman in politics and the clinical paranoiac; although
22600		they both tend to be overheated, overaggressive, grandiose,
22700		and apocalyptic in expression, the clinical paranoid sees the
22800		hostile and conspiratorial world in which he  feels   himself 
22900		to be living as directed specifically AGAINST HIM; whereas
23000		the spokesman of the paranoid style finds it directed
23100		against a nation, a culture, a way of life whose fate
23200		affects not himself alone but millions of others."
23300	Clear examples are the beliefs of  anti-fluoridationists and  extreme
23400	right-wing  beliefs  about a sustained, sinister, gigantic and subtle
23500	Communist conspiracy  which  must  be  defeated,  not  by  the  usual
23600	politics, but by an all-out crusade which is forever faced with  time
23700	running out.
23800		"The enemy is clearly delineated: he is a perfect model
23900		of malice, a kind of amoral superman: sinister, ubiquitous,
24000		powerful, cruel, sensual, luxury-loving."
24100		As  have  other  chroniclers  of the paranoid mode, Hofstader
24200	noted the paranoid paradox of imitating the enemy. The Ku  Klux  Klan
24300	imitates Catholoicism's priestly vestments and elaborate rituals. The
24400	John  Birch  Society  emulates  Communist  cells  and   front-groups.
24500	Anti-intellectual  paranoid  critics  and investigators present their
24600	"evidence" in overwhelming  detail,  a  caricature  of  pedantry  and
24700	scholarship.
24800		"The very character of its conclusions leads to heroic
24900		strivings for `evidence' to prove that the unbelievable
25000		is the only thing that can be believed...the paranoid
25100		mentality is far more coherent than the real world since
25200		it leaves no room for mistakes, failures, or ambiguities...
25300		(the paranoid) has no sense of how things do not happen."
25400		Biographers of Corvo provide us with fascinating accounts  of
25500	a  paranoid personality. Corvo, whose real name was Frederick William
25600	Rolfe (1860-1913), was an Englishman who  styled  himself  as  "Baron
25700	Corvo"  and  signed  himself  as  "Fr." hoping it would be misread as
25800	"Father". At twenty-six he converted to Catholicism and attempted  to
25900	become a priest.  He was expelled from Scots College at Rome as being
26000	unsuitable for the priesthood. Beginning as a dabbler and painter, he
26100	developed  himself into a minor writer little recognized while he was
26200	alive. He has now become something of  a  curiosity  in  the  English
26300	literary world.  Pamela Hansford Johnson wrote a novel about him (The
26400	Unspeakable Skipton,1959).  The term "corvine" now has the additional
26500	sense  of  referring  to  Corvo's  style.   His  best  known  work, a
26600	schoolboyish novel called Hadrian the Seventh, has been made  into  a
26700	popular  play.  Descriptions of Corvo by his friends, benefactors and
26800	himself offer a museum of paranoid psychopathology.
26900		He contrived a florid medievalist writing style characterized
27000	by sinuous sentences affecting  archaic,  ecclesiastical, neologistic
27100	words at times so absurd as to be comical. A benefactor wrote:
27200		"Rolfe had literally not another thing in the world
27300		to do but impress his so carefully cultivated personality
27400		on people and bully them into supporting him; his work was
27500		done only for the sake of his own self; the desire to make
27600		a figure in the world was always with him." (Dawkins, 
27700		quoted by Weeks, 1971).
27800	Although he had never been  to  the  university,  Rolfe  acquired  an
27900	Oxford  accent  and  scholarly  manner.  He  pretended his family was
28000	important and hinted that the Kaiser was his  godfather.  He  wore  a
28100	heavy,  self-designed silver ring with a spur to protect himself from
28200	kidnapping attempts by Jesuits. People described him as a  poseur  of
28300	colossal  intellectual  vanity  who  "saw  himself  doing picturesque
28400	things in a picturesque way" and who "contrived to  give  an  air  of
28500	queerness to ordinary actions". (Symons,1955).
28600		Rolfe said of himself:  "I  bathe  in  a  row...A  friend  is
28700	necessary,  one  friend  -  but  an enemy is more necessary. An enemy
28800	keeps one alert." He believed he had powerful enemies  who  conspired
28900	against  him.  In particular,  Catholics were in league against   him
29000	inspiring machinations and subtle plots. A close friend and co-author
29100	stated:
29200		"It is an absolute delusion that anyone keeps a watch on him
29300		or hinders him. Really, in Catholic eyes, he is practically
29400		non-existent." (Benson, quoted in Symons,1971).
29500	
29600		In his writings, Rolfe sought retribution  against  Catholics
29700	and  others  he  harbored  grudges  against.  The hero of Hadrian the
29800	Seventh,  George  Rose,  obviously  Rolfe  himself  in  a  wished-for
29900	personal odyssey, is elevated from ordinary English citizen to   Pope
30000	in one day! Throughout the book a cast of people from Rolfe's life are
30100	pilloried and gibetted.
30200	
30300		"I tell you what I am about to tell you, not because I have
30400		been provoked, abused, calumniated, traduced, assailed with
30500		insinuation, innuendo, misrepresentation, lies: not because
30600		my life has been held up to ridicule, and to most inferior
30700		contempt: not because the most preposterous stories to my
30800		detriment have been invented, hawked about, believed...
30900		Officially I must correct error."(Hadrian the Seventh).
31000		Always utterly right, he spewed out calligraphic  letters  of
31100	hate.   To  benefactors  who  had let him down his letters were acid,
31200	scathing, sneering, blasting, deriding, jarring,  jeering,  abusively
31300	venomous.   He  was  a "jaundiced, bitter, persecuted pariah" with an
31400	"everlasting  look  of  suspicion  in   his   narrow   but   piercing
31500	eyes."(Weeks,1971).   If his books were not successful, it was due to
31600	the malignant spite of his foes or the perfidy of friends.
31700		"When payments ceased, largely for the reason that the
31800		expected royalties did not accrue, Rolfe sought an 
31900		explanation of the fact (which could not be denied) in some  
32000	        human agency; and soon found one." (Symons, l955).
32100	
32200		"Rolfe was never a person to let matters rest unexplained.
32300		Their causes and effects had to be known."(Weeks, 1971).
32400		In   his   last   few   years  this  sponging,  unscrupulous,
32500	flambouyant, eccentric personality, full of  extravagant  quirks  and
32600	bizarre  kinks,  became  a  scandalous  (homosexual)  character about
32700	Venice.  After a life of straining for flourish, he died abruptly and
32800	without  panache  of  a  heart attack before going to bed and was not
32900	found until the next afternoon.
33000		Ernest  Hemingway  (1899-1961),  a  writer of greater stature
33100	than Rolfe, found himself gripped in a paranoid  mode  in  his  later
33200	years.  Faced  with waning powers, losses of property and friends, he
33300	became frightened, petulant, and suspicious. He  believed  he  had  a
33400	fatal   disease.  He  burst  out  in  long  smoldering  grudges.  His
33500	bewildered friends could not understand why they were considered part
33600	of  a  conspiracy to betray him. He felt Federal agents were pursuing
33700	him for cheating on his income tax and for impairing the morals of  a
33800	minor. To his friend and associate, Hotchner, he erupted:
33900		"It's the worst hell. The goddamnedest hell. They've bugged
34000		everything. That's why we're using Duke's car. Mine's bugged.
34100		Everything's bugged. Can't use the phone. What put me on to 
34200	  	it was that phone call with you.  You remember we got            
34300	  	disconnected?  That tipped their hand."  (Hotchner, l966).
34400		In  a  restaurant  he  believed  two  men at the bar were FBI
34500	agents. When told  they  were  salesmen  who  came  there  regularly,
34600	Hemingway retorted:
34700		"Of course they're salesmen. The FBI is noted for its clumsy
34800		disguises. What do you think they'd pose as - concert              
34900		violinists?".  (Hotchner, l966).
35000	In his final days he even turned on Hotchner: 
35100		"You've been pumping me and getting the gen, but you're like
35200		Vernon Lord and all the rest, turning state's evidence, 
35300	 	selling out to them." (Hotchner,1966).
35400		Once in less tortured times, in answer to  a  question  about
35500	death,  Hemingway  replied: "death is just another whore." Beset with
35600	accelerating anxieties and ineradicable convictions of  betrayal,  he
35700	solicited her first, firing a shotgun into his mouth.
35800		A contemporary account of the paranoid mode is  presented  by
35900	Nagler in  his   biography of  the  prizefighter  Joe  Louis,  former
36000	heavyweight champion of the world.(Nagler,1972). Since 1967  when  he
36100	was  53,  Louis  has  believed that members of the Mafia are pursuing
36200	him, determined to destroy him by poison gas. Particularly at  night,
36300	he suffers outbreaks of suspicion, anxiety, and rage.
36400		"Whenever they stayed in a hotel with air-conditioning
36500		Louis would attempt to paste newspapers over the vents
36600		in his room."
36700	He believes there exists a plot to  involve  him  in  the  making  of
36800	pornographic films with a woman other than his wife. Seeking aid from
36900	his biographer, he said:
37000		"You got to tell the whole story. She's in on it. What they
37100		tried to do was get moving pictures of me in bed with her.
37200		She had this chauffeur, and he was helping her. They
37300		were with the Mafia; and when I found out they started
37400		trying to kill me. That's why they kept pumping that
37500		gas in on me."
37600		These natural history  descriptions  of   naturally-occurring
37700	paranoia  by a variety of nonclinical writers add to our knowledge of
37800	the observable phenomena.  For a deeper understanding of  what  might
37900	underlie  the  phenomena ,  we  must turn to explanatory theories and
38000	models.
38100	
38200			THEORIES OF PARANOIA 
38300	
38400		Attempts to explain, to make intelligible, paranoid disorders
38500	have been offered since antiquity.     None of these  verbally-stated
38600	formulations has won the consensus which typifies scientific theories
38700	since they were neither systematic nor testable.
38800		Science   represents   a   search  for  consensus  knowledge,
38900	judgments about which agreement can be obtained. (See  Ziman,  1968).
39000	For  a theory to gain scientific consensus, it must meet requirements
39100	of systemicity and testability.
39200		For a theory to be systematic, its hypotheses must cohere and
39300	not be isolated. They must connect with one another and collaborate
39400	in  a consistent way. Each hypothesis stands as an initial assumption
39500	or as  a  consequence  of  one  or  more  initial  assumptions.   The
39600	consequence  relation  can  be one of logical or empirical entailment
39700	but the system of hypotheses, to be consistent,  should  not  contain
39800	contradictions.
39900		For a  theory  to  be  testable,  it  must  be  sensitive  to
40000	empirical  data  which  can strengthen or weaken its acceptability as
40100	true or authentic. Each hypothesis in the theory need not be directly
40200	or  independently  testable.     But  the  theory as a conjunction of
40300	hypotheses must be brought into contact with data of observation,  if
40400	not directly, then indirectly, through a translation process in which
40500	a consequence of  the  theory  can  be  compared  with  observational
40600	evidence.
40700		Previous theories of  paranoia  can  be  criticized  for  not
40800	satisfying  these  requirements of systemicity and testability.   The
40900	model to be presented fulfills these requirements. When theories  are
41000	presented  in  literary  form  it  is  difficult  to  know  what such
41100	formulations imply or whether the implications are consistent.  Since
41200	natural language is vague and ambiguous, prose theories are difficult
41300	to analyze. For example, we cannot tell (1) if  the  assumptions  are
41400	independent  or  redundant,  (2)  if each assumption is needed or the
41500	assumption set is incomplete, and (3) what is the logical  status  of
41600	the  assumptions  -  are they tautologies, definitions, typologies or
41700	empirical  statements?   Thories  cast  in  prose  essays   are   too
41800	inexplicit  to tell us what we are supposed to do in order to believe
41900	the world  behaves  as  their  authors  have  conceived  it.    If  a
42000	formulation  is  untestable, the issues it raises are undecidable and
42100	unsettleable; thus the necessary consensus cannot be reached.
42200	
42300		Theories stem from two sources: (1) from hypotheses suggested
42400	by  new  descriptions or revisualizations of the phenomena themselves
42500	and (2) from modifications of a legacy of previous  theories  serving
42600	as  the  bequeathed  myths of the field.  Each generation attempts to
42700	formulate new explanatory theories by discovering new phenomena or by
42800	modifying  predecessor theories.  The old theories are unsatisfactory
42900	or only partially satisfactory because  they  are  found  to  contain
43000	anomalies or contradictions which must be removed. Sometimes previous
43100	theories  are  viewed  as  lacking  evidential  support  by   current
43200	standards.  Theories are mainly superseded rather than disproved. The
43300	new  versions  try  to  remove  the   contradictions   and   increase
43400	comprehensiveness by explaining more phenomena.
43500		Theories  have  many  functions.   They  can be summarized as
43600	follows (Bunge, 1967):
43700		(1)To systematize knowledge.
43800		(2)To explain facts by showing how they are the entailed
43900			consequences of the systematizing hypotheses.
44000		(3)To increase knowledge by deriving new facts.
44100		(4)To enhance the testability of hypotheses by connecting
44200			them to observations.
44300		(5)To guide research by:
44400			(a) posing fruitful problems.
44500			(b) suggesting new data to gather.
44600			(c) opening new lines of investigation.
44700		(6)To map a portion of reality. 
44800		It  would be excessive to demand that a single theory fulfill
44900	all these functions.  In  the  pre-consensus  states  of  undeveloped
45000	fields  we  should be happy in achieving even one of them. Models, as
45100	well as theories, can be  assigned  these  functions  when  they  are
45200	theoretical  in  type.   Our model was constructed primarily to serve
45300	functions (2) and (4), offering a testable explanation.
45400		Again,  theories offered as scientific explanations should be
45500	(a) systematic	(i.e.           coherent  and  consistent)  and   (b)
45600	empirically  testable.   Prior  formulations  about the paranoid mode
45700	have not met these criteria and thus are deservedly  bygone  notions.
45800	For  example,  to  account for paranoid processes by hypothesizing an
45900	imbalance  of  intellect  and  affect  is  so  vague  and  global   a
46000	formulation as not to merit explanatory status. For an explanation to
46100	achieve  consensus,  it  must  be  of  the right type, systematic and
46200	testable. To meet  these  criteria,  I  shall  propose  a  postulated
46300	structure  of symbol-manipulating processes, strategies, functions or
46400	procedures which is capable of producing the observable  regularities
46500	of the paranoid mode.
46600		In  psychiatry  it  is still useful to view some things which
46700	happen to a man in causal mechanical terms. But a man is not  only  a
46800	passive  recipient,  subject  to Newtons's laws. He is also an active
46900	agent, a language user  who  thereby  can  monitor  himself,  control
47000	himself, direct himself, and emancipate himself while commenting upon
47100	and criticizing these performances. Modern psychiatric  theory  based
47200	on  information-processing  principles, views man as an agent as well
47300	as recipient.  It must also come to grips with those enigmatic  cases
47400	in  which  what causally happens to a man can be a consequence of his
47500	unrecognized reasons.
47600		Let  us  consider  some  explanations  for  the paranoid mode
47700	beginning with Freud  in  the  late  19th  century.  (Historians  can
47800	certainly  find  concepts  of  intentions, affects and beliefs as far
47900	back as Aristotle, who seldom quoted his sources. "It's all been said
48000	before  but  you have to say it again because nobody listens"- Gide).
48100	To explain persecutory paranoia, Freud postulated defense  mechanisms
48200	of repression and projection (Freud, 1896).  He assumed the patient's
48300	believed persecution by others represented intolerable  (  and  hence
48400	repressed   and   projected)  self-reproaches  for  childhood  sexual
48500	experiences.   Today hardly anyone finds this explanation acceptable.
48600	Although  the  formulation has withered , the concepts of defense and
48700	projection have weathered.
48800		Sometime during Freud's friendship with  Fliess  (1897-1902),
48900	the  latter  proposed  to  Freud that paranoia arose from unconscious
49000	homosexual conflict (Jones,1955).  For years Freud was  silent  about
49100	this  notion  in  his  discussions  of paranoia. Then in 1911, in his
49200	notes on the Schreber case, he developed the  Fliess  formulation  in
49300	terms of transformations being applied to the basic proposition `I (a
49400	man) love him.' He postulated this proposition to be  so  intolerable
49500	as  not  to  be  admitted to consciousness and therefore subjected to
49600	unconscious transformations, first into `I do not love  him,  I  hate
49700	him'  which  in  turn  was  transformed into the conscious belief `He
49800	hates me' with the accompanying conclusion `Therefore I am  justified
49900	in hating him'.(Freud,1911).  
50000		Great  difficulty  has  been  encountered  in   testing   the
50100	formulation since  there is  no  agreed-upon method for detecting the
50200	presence of unconscious homosexual conflict.     The  explanation  is
50300	also  inconsistent  with  another  psychoanalytic tenet that everyone
50400	harbors unconscious homosexual conflicts.  But not  everyone  becomes
50500	paranoid.  To reconcile the inconsistency one would have to postulate
50600	some  additional,  possibly  quantitative  factors,  to  explain  the
50700	intensity  and  extent  of  the  paranoid  mode in certain people.  A
50800	further difficulty with  the  formulation  has  been  the  fact  that
50900	overtly  homosexual people can be paranoid, requiring in such cases a
51000	postulate of some other type of underlying conflict.
51100		Because  of  inconsistencies  and  difficulty in testing, the
51200	homosexual-conflict explanation has not achieved consensus.   But  as
51300	will  be discussed, it may represent a special case in a more general
51400	theory  which  postulates  self-censuring  and  humiliation  to  have
51500	central functions in the paranoid mode. Freud's later attempts at the
51600	explanation of paranoia assumed simply that love was transformed into
51700	hate  (Freud,1923).    This notion is too incomplete and unspecific a
51800	formulation to  qualify  as  an  acceptable  scientific  explanation.
51900	Contemporary requirements demand a more complex and precisely defined
52000	organization of functions to account for such a transformation.
52100		Likewise Cameron's explanation of  paranoia  as  representing
52200	"projected  hostilty"  (Cameron,1967)  represents  a single, isolated
52300	hypothesis.  An isolated tendency  statement  says  little.  What  is
52400	needed  is  a  system  of tendency statements sufficiently complex to
52500	account for a variety of paranoid phenomena.
52600		Tomkins      (Tomkins,1963)      offered     an     arresting
52700	information-processing  theory  of  the   paranoid   posture.It   was
52800	articulated  in  terms  of defensive strategies, transformations ,and
52900	maximizing-minimizing principles. He viewed the paranoid `posture' or
53000	mode  as  an  attempt  to  cope with humiliation.  He proposed that a
53100	person whose information processing is monopolized  by  the  paranoid
53200	mode  is  in a permanent state of vigilance, in order to maximize the
53300	detection of insult and to minimize humiliation. To quote Tomkins:
53400		"The major source of distortion in his interpretation is
53500		 in his insistence on processing all information as though 
53600		 it were relevant only to the possibility of humiliation."
53700		Swanson, Bohnert and Smith  (1970),  in  their  monograph  on
53800	paranoia,  proposed  how  a "homeostatic" individual might attempt to
53900	deal with "bewildering  perceptions".       They  postulated  that  a
54000	person  in  homeostatic  equilibrium  perceives a pronounced inner or
54100	outer change which is inexplicable or unacceptable.    The  resultant
54200	disequilibrium   is   so   bewildering   that  in  order  to  restore
54300	equilibrium, the  person  constructs  a  paranoid  explanation  which
54400	attributes  the  cause  of  the change, not to an internal, but to an
54500	external  source.   With  the  cause  of  the  change  identified   ,
54600	bewilderment is abolished and uncertainty reduced.
54700		Aspects  of  this   formulation   suggest   symbol-processing
54800	strategies  typical of cases of paranoid thinking associated with the
54900	experienced  changes  resulting  from      organic  brain  damage  or
55000	amphetamine psychosis. These are conditions which mechanically happen
55100	to a man.  In paranoid states, reactions or  personalities  where  no
55200	pronounced  physical  change  can  be  identified ,the formulation is
55300	insufficient and must be filled out with more  complex  and  specific
55400	processes.
55500		In sum, the formulations of paranoia reviewed have not gained
55600	widespread acceptance because of various weaknesses and  limitations.
55700	Currently  there  exists  no  reigning  theory of paranoia. In such a
55800	pre-consensus state, the field is open for contending theories.
55900		Previous  theories  have  contributed useful hypotheses.    I
56000	have incorporated some of them (e.g.  Tomkin's  hypothesis  regarding
56100	humiliation)  in  an  attempt  to  explain  paranoid  phenomena  in a
56200	different way, using an  interactive  simulation  model.     I  shall
56300	attempt   to   explain   sequences   of  paranoid  symbolic  behavior
56400	(conversational  interactions)  by  describing  in  some   detail   a
56500	simulation  of  paranoid  interview  behavior  ,  having  in  mind an
56600	audience of  clinicians,  behavioral  scientists  and  colleagues  in
56700	fields  of computer science, artificial intelligence, and philosophy.
56800	The simulation model proposed (first described in  Colby,  Weber  and
56900	Hilf,1971)  stands  as  a  putative  explanation having the merits of
57000	being more explicit, systematic, consistent  and  testable  than  the
57100	theories  described  above.        The  model  combines hypotheses of
57200	previous formulations with additional hypotheses and assumptions , in
57300	an attempt to present a coherent, unified explanation.
57400		Before  we embark on a description of the model, let us first
57500	consider what it means to offer an explanation.